Latin America has a long history of turning to collectivist authoritarianism to solve its problems.

Leaders like Nestor Kirchner, Evo Morales, Rafael Correa and, most infamously, Hugo Chavez plague the continent. They make political hay out of abusing the United States, stealing foreign assets within their borders, launching grandiose social-transformation schemes and generally doing anything they can to conceal the fact that their redistributionist policies have worked about as well as the Lakers’ offensive strategy in the last game of this year’s NBA finals.

But in some countries south of the border, the new millennium has brought a new model. Chavez’s throwback government has been decidedly outperformed by a new, pragmatic, pro-Western approach.

With sensibly governed countries like Mexico, Colombia and Brazil on the rise, the answer to poverty in Latin America lies not in populism, statist revolutions and redistribution but in Western-style democratic governance committed to maintaining security, attracting investment, encouraging entrepreneurialism and enforcing the rule of law.

The United States should openly welcome this development with both words and deeds.

Felipe Calderon, the president of Mexico, has emerged from electoral controversy to become a regional leader, counteracting Chavez’s influence in the region and working with the United States on cross-border problems.

Brazil’s Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, a former socialist radical turned centrist reformer, has tried to play the role of negotiator and has focused his social programs on raising education levels among the poor.

Last but not least, the most competent leader in Latin America is undoubtedly Colombian President Alvaro Uribe. Uribe has had the toughest job of all Latin American heads of state, as he tries to foster economic growth while battling powerful terrorist organizations, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN).

During the past six years, Colombian security forces under Uribe’s leadership have waged a successful campaign against these extremist groups, which have been terrorizing the country for half a century. Crime in Colombia’s cities has dropped precipitously, and violence against union members has reached all-time lows thanks to the surrender of ELN. Kidnapping is down tenfold as the guerillas of FARC — supported by Venezuela — are killed or captured. Meanwhile, the economy is growing at rates upward of 7 percent, and foreign investment is increasing.

Despite hostility from the Chavista bloc of Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia, Uribe consistently backs the United States in foreign policy circles, basing his support on both democratic values and the United States’ assistance in his efforts to fight the drug trade.

Uribe’s approval ratings consistently hover at about 80 percent, and there is a movement among his supporters to amend the law to allow him to run for a third term. Whether or not he should accept such an offer is an open question, but there can be no doubt that most Colombians back his policies.

Yet the U.S. Congress disgracefully killed the U.S.-Colombia free trade pact, much to the bewilderment of Uribe and Colombians in general.

If the United States wants more friends in the developing world, it needs to shun protectionism and other spurious excuses and show that it will support the allies it already has. Military backing is helpful, but there is more to be done. Colombia has been stabilized, and Iraq and Afghanistan will one day be at peace.

The next step is to establish the groundwork for economic ties with these countries, which will align their interests with ours and strengthen the potential for future cooperation.

Leaving solid allies like Uribe hanging is a risky and immoral path.